Really? I don’t recall
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In a somewhat turn from the norm of looking solely and wholly at
Newport-Mesa political issues, I can’t ignore the political story of
the season: the California recall.
The next few days, leading into Saturday’s 5 p.m. deadline for
filing papers to appear on the recall ballot, are certain to provide
political junkies with near-permanent fixes. With possible candidates
including porn pushers, punk rockers and divorced couples, the fun of
the race is impossible to ignore.
It might even include the embattled governor himself.
Setting aside the revelry in the politics of the story, there are
deeper, more important reasons to be watching this story, most of
them fairly obvious. They are the policy questions (as opposed to the
political ones) that the governor of this state has to answer. Gov.
Gray Davis’ failure to answer the economic questions is largely
energizing the recall, but whoever is leading this state also has to
answer social questions, education questions and environmental
questions.
Who should answer those questions for California is a serious
matter.
And it is entirely possible that voters will be taking the matter
seriously when (if?) they go to the polls.
Newport Beach’s Assemblyman, John Campbell, said this week that he
sees three reasons why people will support the recall:
* They believe Davis is incompetent;
* they believe the governor is not trustworthy; and
* they believe he is owned by special interests.
These same three reasons, Campbell said, are why he is behind the
effort. (Also, for what it’s worth, Democratic friends of mine seem
to agree with those three points.)
Campbell, of course, may have a lot to gain from a change in the
governor’s mansion. He is running to replace Newport-Mesa’s state
Sen. Ross Johnson, who is being forced out by term limits. Campbell’s
opponent and fellow Assemblyman, Ken Maddox, is being forced out of
the lower house by term limits, as well.
With myriad outcomes possible from the vote looming over the
state, I asked Campbell what he considered to be the best and worst
scenarios.
The worst, he was quick to say, would be Davis beating the recall.
“We would now have an entrenched governor there three more years,”
Campbell pointed out. The victory would be a validation for Davis,
who would stick with policies and programs Campbell, often times
publicly and loudly, disagrees with.
A Davis victory would be worse than another Democrat getting
elected, Campbell said.
“At least, hopefully, we would get someone competent,” he said.
One prominent name we won’t see on the ballot is Sen. Dianne
Feinstein, who announced Wednesday that she won’t run.
“I am very flattered by the many elected officials, community
leaders, and constituents who have urged me to place my name on the
recall ballot as insurance should the recall be successful,” she said
in a statement. “I want to thank each and everyone who called,
especially members of the House delegation and the state Legislature,
who are deeply concerned about our state’s future.
“After thinking a great deal about this recall, its implications
for the future, and its misguided nature, I have decided that I will
not place my name on the ballot,” she said.
As for the best-case scenario, don’t expect to see Campbell
touring about with Arnold, Riordan or Simon any time soon. He hasn’t
endorsed any candidate yet.
“I want to see a person articulate their vision,” Campbell said,
adding that “political combat” is where candidates are tested, where
their ability to engage voters and construct policy is demonstrated.
And there likely will be plenty of political combat, if the dozens
of potential candidates all do jump aboard the ballot.
Pushing aside that flotsam and jetsam, Campbell’s best result
would be:
“The best possible result is a Republican candidate that
articulates a vision that connects and gets enough of a percentage of
votes over the No. 2 so the person could claim with some argument
that they have connected with a significant part of the voting
public,” he said.
Campbell, rightly, stressed the need for a legitimate winner to
emerge, someone, he suggested, who would get 25% of the vote versus a
No. 2 at 11%.
Imagine, instead, a Republican governor trying to work with the
Democratic legislature while only being able to claim 12% of the
vote. Debate would invariably center on the 88% of the voters who
chose someone else, not to mention that two or three other
politicians might have had close to the same percentage. (There is
still talk about Al Gore having won more of the popular vote than
President Bush.)
In that situation, the new governor would have difficulty leading,
which seems to be how we all got to this place in the first place.
* S.J. CAHN is the managing editor. He can be reached at (949)
574-4233 or by e-mail at [email protected].
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